Water and Energy

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Water and Energy ( water-and-energy )

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in supply and the essential nature of the service. Private ownership of infrastructure entailed in public services is rarer than private operation of publicly owned assets. In both domains, public–private partnership (PPP) examples are increasing. In build-own-operate-transfer (BOOT) and build-operate-transfer (BOT) contracts, private concessionaires build and finance projects in the first instance, then operate them for the contract period to recoup outlays and earn a profit, and finally transfer the assets to public ownership. This is becoming a commonplace arrangement, mainly in wastewater treatment plants and independent power projects. For both power and water, regulators are confronted with the conundrum of encouraging demand restraint in sectors where private companies earn their profits by expanding sales. There is interest in exploring ways of remunerating service providers according to their success in reducing demand, following use of this model in the California power sector as a substitute for linking rewards to expanding sales volumes (World Bank, 2010a). 1.3.2 Economic differences The scale of the energy and water domains, measured in economic and commercial terms, differs widely. The global size of the water ‘market’ (for services, equipment and supplies) was estimated to be US$365 billion in 2005 and the market for water treatment and distribution plant and equipment for domestic and industrial use is currently (2013) valued at $557 billion (Goldman Sachs, 2005; GWI, 2013). Even allowing for market growth since this estimate, the annual global energy market (estimated at around $6 trillion4) dwarfs this sum: the International Energy Agency (IEA) (2012a) estimates that $37 trillion of investment will be needed over the period 2012–2035 in global energy supply infrastructure alone, equivalent to $1.6 trillion annually. Energy dwarfs water not only in market size but in many other areas. The sheer sophistication and global girth of the energy supply chain lies in stark contrast to that of the water supply chain. The energy sector is synonymous with ‘big business’, and organization within the sector is well funded and represented (Hussey et al., 2013). Consistent with its economic and commercial scale, energy attracts greatly more political attention than water in most countries: as the Camdessus Report noted of water, ‘some aspects of this sector are unglamorous, practically invisible in electoral terms’ (Winpenny, 2003, p. 9). Whereas energy is often managed nationally, water is managed regionally and locally. Decisions in water tend to be more highly delegated; water tariffs, for instance, are commonly decided at the municipal level. The level of private sector involvement also differs. While the drinking water and sanitation sector remains largely public, the involvement of private companies in the power sector remains at a relatively high level. Access to safe water and sanitation is recognized as a human right (United Nations Resolution 64/292, 28 July 2010), neither of which generally applies to energy. Certain water, sanitation and hygiene (WASH) services are ‘merit goods’,5 which may need active promotion (including subsidy) to convince users to take up what is on offer. Viewing water as a gift of nature (ignoring the economic cost of providing it as a service) impedes its economic pricing. No such attitude prevails in the markets for energy services. Because of its low value-to-bulk ratio and high cost of transport, water is not commonly traded internationally or over long distances. Consequently water has no international price, unlike oil, while gas and coal are widely traded but with regional price differences, reflecting their transport and distribution systems. Although ‘virtual water’ – water embedded in goods and services – is implicitly traded on a large scale, the concept does not include any cost or price factorization and thus remains a theoretical tool with little economic influence. In a few countries, raw water (or the right to it) is traded in water markets on a seasonal or permanent basis, with prices subject to local supply and demand. The sale of energy services (mainly electricity and some forms of heating) is predominately on a metered basis. In water services, metering is not nearly so widespread for households, and unusual for irrigation. The demand for household and industrial water is commonly considered to be ‘price inelastic’, where demand does not vary much with changes in price. The price elasticity of demand for irrigation water is less obvious, due to the very low price (often zero) charged for such water and the fact that this is often combined with subsidized energy for pumping (Molle and Berkoff, 2008). In contrast, the demand for 4 5 ’Energy is a $6 trillion global market’, quote attributed to then US Commerce Secretary Gary Locke on a visit to China in May 2010 (Shirouzu, 2010). Those which governments supply to citizens as basic needs, which recipients may or may not be able or willing to pay for. WWDR 2014 THE WATER–ENERGY NEXUS 19

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