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Energy and Development in South America

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Energy and Development in South America ( energy-and-development-south-america )

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4 | CYNTHIA J. ARNSON AND JESSICA VARAT INTRODUCTION | 5 Francisco Rojas of FLACSO highlights numerous examples of energy linkages between and among countries of the region, particularly in joint projects to pro- duce hydroelectric power, integrate electrical grids, and build transnational pipelines for natural gas. Yet the region has no shared strategy or vision for balanc- ing the needs of producers and consumers throughout the continent, and the trust needed to build cooperation is low. Latin America could be self-sufficient in ener- gy, he argues, if it could balance supply and demand, constructing a market that coordinated the production of electricity, gas, oil, biofuels, and other forms of renewable energy. In the view of Thomas O’Keefe, Mercosur Consulting Group, Argentina contin- ues to suffer energy shortages as a result of export restrictions and a price freeze in the gas sector implemented by the government of President Néstor Kirchner (2003–07). Decreased investment resulting from the intervention in market rates has weakened Argentina’s ability to exploit its significant natural gas resources and develop new fields.10 O’Keefe notes that domestic policies for both natural gas pro- duction and the provision of electricity have created “bottlenecks” and frequent shortages. With significant reserves of its own, Argentina must nonetheless rely on natural gas imports from Bolivia to meet energy demands in the northern part of the country. Argentina has been one of the two countries most affected by the nationalization policies of the Bolivian government. Because it has no formal diplomatic ties with Bolivia, Chile suffers from an overdependence on Argentine gas and power exports (much of which Argentina itself imports from Bolivia); Chile has suffered when Argentina has restricted gas exports in order to satisfy its own energy demands. In his discussion of the Chilean case, Oscar Landarretche of the Federico Santa María University emphasizes the need for straightforward rules of the game regarding regional integration efforts. He also advocates the establishment and strengthening of mediation bodies to prevent conflict between producer and consumer nations; this body would ideally be entrusted to handle such conflicts as those that have arisen between Chile and Argentina or Argentina and Bolivia. Landarretche also suggests domestic energy development policies to ensure that Chile can sustain economic growth despite an unpredictable energy market. Among the policies he advocates are those to substi- tute coal or fuel oil for natural gas, develop renewable energy sources, and explore the realm of nuclear power. As of 2007, Venezuela ranked 7th worldwide in proven oil reserves, with oil reserves (not including the Orinoco belt) measured at approximately 80 billion bar- rels. Venezuela is the fourth largest supplier of oil to the United States and a major supplier to other countries in the Western Hemisphere; initiatives such as PetroCaribe, PetroSur, and PetroAndina aim at providing subsidized oil to poorer countries, in pursuit of Venezuelan-led regional energy integration. In her discus- sion of Venezuela, RoseAnne Franco of PFC Energy illustrates how the state nation- al oil company (NOC), Petróleos de Venezuela, S.A. (PdVSA), has sought to engage other foreign, mostly Latin American NOC’s as major players in the devel- opment of Venezuela’s oil rich Orinoco Belt. But, Franco observes, NOC’s all too often respond to political rather than mar- ket-based incentives in the development and use of energy resources, and for the most part lack the capacity to meet the technological challenges and capital needs of Venezuela’s energy sector. Using energy income and PdVSA itself as a tool for domestic social development, the government of President Hugo Chávez increased spending on social programs from $240 million to $13.36 billion between 2003 and 2006. Such spending has come at the expense of much needed new exploration and investment in Venezuela. Brazil has constructed a diverse energy matrix through an emphasis on research, innovation, and the development of human capital in the petroleum, hydropower, as well as biofuels sector. As Sergio Trindade of SE2T International indicates, since the 1930s the Brazilian state was the driving force behind devel- opment initiatives, but the past fifteen years have witnessed a transition toward an ever-increasing role for private enterprise in energy development. The country is a world leader in ethanol production, and has concluded agreements throughout Latin America and the developing world to foster biofuels cooperation. In addi- tion, recent discoveries of offshore, deep-water oil and natural gas reserves lead analysts to predict that Brazil will soon become the region’s energy powerhouse, challenging Venezuela for this position.11 However, Brazil still must wrestle with its dependence on natural gas from Bolivia (the source of almost half of its natu- ral gas) in light of the new contracts they were forced to negotiate in response to Morales’ nationalization decree. Financing energy development is likely to remain a difficult task, Trindade concludes, given the scale and risk involved. Such devel- opment will require a diverse portfolio of public and private sources, including national, foreign, and multilateral funding. Bolivia, in turn, is facing its own demons when it comes to the development of energy resources. Humberto Vacaflor, editor of Siglo 21, recounts Bolivia’s tortured history of natural resource development, beginning in the 16th century with Spanish exploitation of the country’s silver deposits. Arguing that Bolivia’s link to the international economy is the most ancient in all of South America, Vacaflor traces how past conflicts over resources—with Bolivia’s neighbors and with inter- national oil companies—continue to haunt today’s energy sector.

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