Energy and Development in South America

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Energy and Development in South America ( energy-and-development-south-america )

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36 | ROSEANNE FRANCO VENEZUELA | 37 Finally, Chávez seeks to facilitate energy integration in the Caribbean and Central and South America and to engage with other regional powers (e.g., Russia) to counterbalance U.S. global influence. With respect to the government’s energy agenda, the activist regional role being pursued by Caracas is nothing new. Historically, Venezuela appears to assume a leading role following periods of high oil prices, which create windfalls. For exam- ple, in 1980 Venezuela, along with Mexico, signed the San José Accord, which con- tinues to provide crude oil and refined products to eleven Central American and Caribbean nations on favorable terms. The cooperative agreement was reached shortly after oil prices had reached record levels triggered by tensions between the United States and Iran. In other words, Caracas assumes a more activist role on the continent whenever it can afford to do so. Therefore, it is consistent with the behavior of previous Venezuelan govern- ments that Chávez has been pursuing a new wave of regional energy efforts since 2002, fueled by steadily rising oil prices. Among the government’s high profile proj- ects are PetroCaribe, PetroAndina, and PetroSur. To varying degrees, these energy agreements seek to integrate Latin American countries’ energy sectors and, in par- ticular, to foster cooperation between PdVSA and other National Oil Companies (NOCs). Another important component of Chávez’s regional energy integration strategy is the development of the Orinoco Oil Belt. While its reserves are still undergoing certification, the area is estimated to hold some 233 billion barrels, which when coupled with existing oil assets, would place Venezuela ahead of Saudi Arabia in terms of overall petroleum reserves. Accordingly, Chávez would like the Orinoco Belt Reserves to be viewed as a reliable energy source for the continent. To mitigate the technical difficulties and costs related to refining Orinoco’s extra heavy crude, Chávez has proposed the expansion and upgrading of numerous existing refineries around Latin America. The development of the Orinoco Belt provides an opportunity for regional NOC-NOC cooperation. It is divided into 27 blocks and five Latin American NOCs—Brazil’s Petrobrás, Argentina’s Energía Argentina S.A. (ENARSA), Uruguay’s Administración Nacional de Combustibles, Alcohol y Portland (ANCAP), Ecuador’s Petroecuador, and Chile’s Empresa Nacional de Petróleo (ENAP)—have committed to work alongside PdVSA in the development of the acreage. An additional nine NOCs, including Russia’s Lukoil and India’s Oil and Natural Gas Company, Ltd. (ONGC), have also signed on to the project. Nonetheless, there are clear challenges to Chávez’s ambitious energy integra- tion efforts. His PetroAmérica plan yields a mixed bag as PetroCaribe is the most advanced of the energy arrangements, while PetroAndina is the least developed. The energy needs of partner countries and their political sympathies (or lack thereof) with President Chávez tend to influence the level of integration. With regard to Chávez’s downstream commitments to reconfigure and expand the region’s refineries, he appears to have overcommitted, as a number of his refining projects have yet to move beyond the planning stages. Another challenge to Caracas’ regional integration efforts is its reliance on NOCs. All state oil compa- nies are not alike and yet the Venezuelan government has made the NOC its partner of choice, with little regard for the individual companies’ technical and organizational competencies or financial capacity. It is unlikely that these NOCs—many of which are fledgling—can meet the increasing technological challenges and capital needs of Venezuela’s energy sector. OIL RESERVES At end of 2006 (billion barrels) 35350 3300 264.3 2250 2200 1150 1100 50 0 312 137.5 115 97.8 101.5 Estimat Orinoco Belt Reserves 80 ed A closer look at Chávez’s numerous energy project proposals calls their via- bility into question. Those that have come to fruition tend to meet the risk cri- teria established for private sector energy projects of the same size. In other words, ideology aside, those projects that move forward must meet certain thresholds with regard to political support, geology, economics, environment, and security. For example, it is not surprising that one of Chávez’s most ambi- tious energy proposals—the ‘Gas Pipeline of the South’—has stalled. While the project faces no political opposition and little security risk, there are concerns Saudi Arabia Iran Iraq Kuwait UAE Venezuela

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